Cross-readings along the axes of political:
Wages for Facebook [EN] (2013)
THE DIFFICULTIES AND AMBIGUITIES IN DISCUSSING WAGES FOR FACEBOOK STEM FROM THE REDUCTION OF WAGES FOR FACEBOOK TO A THING, A LUMP OF MONEY, INSTEAD OF VIEWING IT AS A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE.
Wages for Facebook [EN] (2013)
IF WE TAKE WAGES FOR FACEBOOK AS A POLITICAL PERSPECTIVE, WE CAN SEE THAT STRUGGLING FOR IT IS GOING TO PRODUCE A REVOLUTION IN OUR LIVES AND IN OUR SOCIAL POWER.
Refugia [EN] (2002)
REFUGIA: A Becoming Autonomous Zone (BAZ) of desirous mixings and recombinations; splic ing fe male sexual liber ation and auto nomy with cyber feminist skills, theory, embodiment, and political activism.
Refugia [EN] (2002)
Not a retreat, but a space resistant to mono culture in all its social, environmental, libidinal, political, and genetic forms.
This integrates our different realities, contexts and specificities – including age, disabilities, sexualities, gender identities and expressions, socioeconomic locations, political and religious beliefs, ethnic origins, and racial markers.
The internet is a transformative political space.
We defend the right to sexual expression as a freedom of expression issue of no less importance than political or religious expression.
We recognise this as part of the larger political project of moral policing, censorship, and hierarchisation of citizenship and rights.
This chapter is an effort to build an ironic political myth faithful to feminism, socialism, and materialism.
It is also a rhetorical strategy and a political method, one I would like to see more honoured within socialistfeminism.
Social reality is lived social relations, our most important political construction, a world-changing fiction.
This experience is a fiction and fact of the most crucial, political kind.
I will return to the science fiction of cyborgs at the end of this chapter, but now I want to signal three crucial boundary breakdowns that make the following political- fictional political- scientific) analysis possible.
There is much room for radical political people to contest the meanings of the breached boundary.
But the alternative is not cynicism or faithlessness, that is, some version of abstract existence, like the accounts of technological determinism destroying 'man' by the 'machine' or 'meaningful political action' by the 'text'.
So my cyborg myth is about transgressed boundaries, potent fusions, and dangerous possibilities which progressive people might explore as one part of needed political work.
The political struggle is to see from both perspectives at once because each reveals both dominations and possibilities unimaginable from the other vantage point.
Cyborg unities are monstrous and illegitimate; in our present political circumstances, we could hardly hope for more potent myths for resistance and recoupling.
I like to imagine LAG, the Livermore Action Group, as a kind of cyborg society, dedicated to realistically converting the laboratories that most fiercely embody and spew out the tools of technological apocalypse, and committed to building a political form that acutally manages to hold together witches, engineers, elders, perverts, Christians, mothers, and Leninists long enough to disarm the state.
)6 * A practice at once both spiritual and political that linked guards and arrested anti-nuclear demonstrators in the Alameda County jail in California in the early 1985.
Which identities are available to ground such a potent political myth called 'us', and what could motivate enlistment in this collectivity?
For me - and for many who share a similar historical location in white, professional middle-class, female, radical, North American, mid-adult bodies - the sources of a crisis in political identity are legion.
Chela Sandoval (n.d., 1984), from a consideration of specific historical moments in the formation of the new political voice called women of colour, has theorized a hopeful model of political identity called 'oppositional consciousness', born of the skills for reading webs of power by those refused stable membership in the social categories of race, sex, or class.
This postmodernist identity is fully political, whatever might be said abut other possible postmodernisms.
This identity marks out a self-consciously constructed space that cannot affirm the capacity to act on the basis of natural identification, but only on the basis of conscious coalition, of affinity, of political kinship.
Katie King has emphasized the limits of identification and the political/ poetic mechanics of identification built into reading 'the poem', that generative core of cultural feminism.
King criticizes the persistent tendency among contemporary feminists from different 'moments' or 'conversations' in feminist practice to taxonomize the women's movement to make one's own political tendencies appear to be the telos of the whole.
The common achievement of King and Sandoval is learning how to craft a poetic /political unity without relying on a logic of appropriation, incorporation, and taxonomic identification.
It remains to be seen whether all 'epistemologies' as Western political people have known them fail us in the task to build effective affinities.
But what would another political myth for socialist-feminism look like?
I do not know of any other time in history when there was greater need for political unity to confront effectively the dominations of 'race', 'gender', 'sexuality', and 'class'.
MacKinnon's radical theory of experience is totalizing in the extreme; it does not so much marginalize as obliterate the authority of any other women's political speech and action.
Embarrassed silence about race among white radical and socialist feminists was one major, devastating political consequence.
History and polyvocality disappear into political taxonomies that try to establish genealogies.
THE INFORMATICS OF DOMINATION In this attempt at an epistemological and political position, I would like to sketch a picture of possible unity, a picture indebted to socialist and feminist principles of design.
Modern states, multinational corporations, military power, welfare state apparatuses, satellite systems, political processes, fabrication of our imaginations, labour-control systems, medical construc-tions of our bodies, commercial pornography, the international division of labour, and religious evangelism depend intimately upon electronics.
But the phrase should also indicate that science and technology provide fresh sources of power, that we need fresh sources of analysis and political action (Latour, 1984).
Within the framework of three major stages of capitalism (commercial/ early industrial, monopoly, multinational) --tied to nationalism, imperialism, and multinationalism, and related to Jameson's three dominant aesthetic periods of realism, modernism, and postmodernism --I would argue that specific forms of families dialectically relate to forms of capital and to its political and cultural concomitants.
A major social and political danger is the formation of a strongly bimodal social structure, with the masses of women and men of all ethnic groups, but especially people of colour, confined to a homework economy, illiteracy of several varieties, and general redundancy and impotence, controlled by high-tech repressive apparatuses ranging from entertainment to surveillance and disappearance.
How can these groups be allied with progressive social and political movements?
What kind of political accountability can be constructed to the women together across the scientific-technical hierarchies separating us?
If it was ever possible ideologically to characterize women's lives by the disdnction of public and private domains-- suggested by images of the division of working-class life into factory and home, of bourgeois life into market and home, and of gender existence into personal and political realms --it is now a totally misleading ideology, even to show how both terms of these dichotomies construct each other in practice and in theory.
State: Continued erosion of the welfare state; decentralizations with increased surveillance and control; citizenship by telematics; imperialism and political power broadly in the form of information rich/information poor differentiation; increased high-tech militarization increasingly opposed by many social groups; reduction of civil service jobs as a result of the growing capital intensification of office work, with implications for occupational mobility for women of colour; growing privadzation of material and ideological life and culture; close integration of privatization and militarization, the high-tech forms of bourgeois capitalist personal and public life; invisibility of different social groups to each other, linked to psychological mechanisms of belief in abstract enemies.
School: Deepening coupling of high-tech capital needs and public educa-tion at all levels, differentiated by race, class, and gender; managerial classes involved in educational reform and refunding at the cost of remaining progressive educational democratic structures for children and teachers; education for mass ignorance and repression in technocratic and militarized culture; growing and-science mystery cults in dissendng and radical political movements; continued relative scientific illiteracy among white women and people of colour; growing industrial direction of education (especially higher education) by science-based multinationals (particularly in electronics- and biotechnology-dependent companies); highly educated, numerous elites in a progressively bimodal society.
Church: Electronic fundamentalist 'super-saver' preachers solemnizing the union of electronic capital and automated fetish gods; intensified importance of churches in resisting the militarized state; central struggle over women's meanings and authority in religion; continued relevance of spirituality, intertwined with sex and health, in political struggle.
There is much now being tione, and the grounds for political work are rich.
Ambivalence towards the disrupted unides mediated by high-tech culture requires not sorting consciousness into categories of clear-sighted critique grounding a solid political epistemology' *Service Employees International Union's office workers' organization in the US.
The permanent pardality of feminist points of view has consequences for our expectations of forms of political organization and participation.
CYBORGS: A MYTH OF POLITICAL IDENTITY I want to conclude with a myth about idendty and boundaries which might inform late twentieth-century POLITICAL imaginations (Plate 1).
Exploring concephons of bodily boundaries and social order, the anthropologist Mary Douglas (1966, 1970) should be credited with helping us to consciousness about how fundamental body imagery is to world view, and so to political language.
American radical feminists like Susan Griffnn, Audre Lorde, and Adrienne Rich have profoundly affected our political imaginations - and perhaps restricted too much what we allow as a friendly body and political language.
What might be learned from personal and political 'technological' pollution?
Earlier I suggested that 'women of colour' might be understood as a cyborg idendty, a potent subjecdvity synthesized from fusions of outsider identities and in the complex political- historical layerings of her 'biomythography', Zami (Lorde, 1982; King, 1987a, 1987b).
In my political myth, Sister Outsider is the offshore woman, whom US workers, female and feminized, are supposed to regard as the enemy prevendug their solidarity, threatening their security.
Contests for the meanings of writing are a major form of contemporary political struggle.
Cyborg monsters in feminist science fiction define quite different political possibilities and limits from those proposed by the mundane fiction of Man and Woman.
There is a myth system waiting to become a political language to ground one way of looking at science and technology and challenging the informatics of domination-- in order to act potently.
Cyberwitches Manifesto [EN] (2019)
The very technologies that was reason to dream of new forms of political empowerment has turned out to be the means of surveillance and control for everybody.
Cyberwitches Manifesto [EN] (2019)
We use social networks to gather in spiritual and political rituals.
0x02 Why is there so little explicit, organized effort to repurpose technologies for progressive gender political ends?
Rather than pretending to risk nothing, XF advocates the necessary assembly of techno -political interfaces responsive to these risks.
Technoscientific innovation must be linked to a collective theoretical and political thinking in which women, queers, and the gender non-conforming play an unparalleled role.
Xenofeminism endeavours to face up to these obligations as collective agents capable of transitioning between multiple levels of political, material and conceptual organization.
0x09 XF rejects illusion and melancholy as political inhibitors.
At its worst, such an attitude generates nothing but political lassitude, and at its best, installs an atmosphere of pervasive despair which too often degenerates into factionalism and petty moralizing.
The malady of melancholia only compounds political inertia, and -- under the guise of being realistic -- relinquishes all hope of calibrating the world otherwise.
Intersectionality is not the morcellation of collectives into a static fuzz of cross-referenced identities, but a political orientation that slices through every particular, refusing the crass pigeonholing of bodies.
Wielding the universal requires thoughtful qualification and precise self-reflection so as to become a ready-to-hand tool for multiple political bodies and something that can be appropriated against the numerous oppressions that transect with gender and sexuality.
Hormones hack into gender systems possessing political scope extending beyond the aesthetic calibration of individual bodies.
Calibrating a political hegemony or insurgent memeplex not only implies the creation of material infra-structures to make the values it articulates explicit, but places demands on us as subjects.
In the name of feminism, 'Nature' shall no longer be a refuge of injustice, or a basis for any political justification whatsoever!
The Mundane Afrofuturist Manifesto [EN] (2013)
No forgetting about political, racial, social, economic, and geographic struggles.
The 3D Additivist Manifesto [EN] (2015)
Just as a glitch can un-resolve an image, so it can resolve something more posthuman: manifold systems – biological, political, computational, material.
Glitch Manifesto [EN] (2009)
This system consists of layers of obfuscated protocols that find their origin in ideologies, economies, political hierarchies and social conventions, which are subsequently operated by different actors.
Glitch Manifesto [EN] (2009)
It is no longer a break from a flow within a technology, or a method to open up the political discourse, but instead a cultivation.
The Manifesto of Futurist Woman [EN] (1912)
Feminism is a political error.
Manifesto for the Gynecene [EN] (2015)
The feminine is the first stage towards a transgressive humanism and the Gynecene is the first global and simultaneous transfer of the feminine imprint onto the physical and political strata (deeply connected as they are today) of the Earth.
Glitch Feminism Manifesto [EN] (2012)
We want to claim for ourselves permanent seats at the table, an empowered means of demarcating space that can be possessed by us in entirety, a veritable “room of [our] own” that, despite the strides made via feminist political action, has yet to truly belong to us.
S.C.U.M manifesto [EN] (1967)
A few examples of the most obnoxious or harmful types are: rapists, politicians and all who are in their service (campaigners, members of political parties, etc.